will protect his predecessor from investigations and possible prosecution for human rights violations and extrajudicial killings carried out during his “war on drugs” policy. There are also fears that with Sara Duterte as vice president, Marcos Jr. With the candidate having snubbed all presidential debates, many are left guessing how the Marcos administration is going to address the many challenges facing the Philippines. How will Marcos governĪpart from the dark pall cast over Marcos Jr.’s presidency by his family’s history of repression, cronyism, and kleptocracy, much of the concern expressed not only by the opposition but also particularly by certain quarters of the Philippines’ policy community, have much to do with the lack of clarity of his platform. He has promised to bring back the “good old days” of the old Marcos regime, which according to his revisionist campaign was prosperous and stable. is now set to reverse his family’s fortunes. With a head start, massive resources, and the strategic partnership with the Dutertes backed by a strong political machinery, Marcos Jr.’s victory was not unexpected. And while the Robredo campaign may have captured the hearts and minds of hundreds of thousands of her supporters who came in droves to her “pink” rallies organized by mainly young people, drawing comparisons to the “yellow” People Power rallies in 1986, it was dwarfed by the immensity and the reach of the Marcos-Duterte resources. In contrast, Robredo’s presidential bid came late and was under resourced, relying more on grassroot support and volunteerism. His strategic partnership with Sara Duterte as a running mate (though the positions are elected separately) allowed him to significantly strengthen his support base. Having prepared the groundwork much earlier, Marcos clearly had the advantage over Robredo and other opposition candidates. Despite Marcos Jr.’s defeat, his vice-presidential bid was said to be a dry run for a presidential campaign in 2022. Since 1992, the Marcos family had made no secret of its plans to reclaim political power and influence and reestablish the so-called Marcos “legacy.” Marcos Jr., was elected governor in the family’s bailiwick northern province of Ilocos Sur in 1992, became a senator in 2010, and ran for the vice presidency in 2016 only to lose to Robredo. died in 1989 and his family was allowed to return to the Philippines in 1992. Corazon Aquino was elected president the same year. in 1986, forcing the dictator and his family to live in exile in Hawaii. His death triggered massive demonstrations across the country, led by his widow, Corazon “Cory” Aquino, and culminated in the People Power Revolution that led to the ouster of Marcos Sr. was assassinated in 1983 upon his return to the Philippines from exile in the United States. Robredo represented the Liberal Party of then-President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino Jr., son of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Sr., the archrival of Marcos Sr.Īquino Sr. in the contest for the vice presidency and won. During the 2016 elections, Robredo faced off with Marcos Jr. and Vice President-elect Sara Duterte (daughter of the current president), and on the other is the reformist group led by Robredo. The 2022 presidential elections forced the Filipinos to confront their checkered historical understanding of the Marcos martial law regime in early 1980s, known for its human rights abuses and corruption which bankrupted the country and made the Philippines the “sick man of Asia.” The elections also saw a replay of contests of political dynasties. prepares to assume office, what is in store for the Philippines? Political dynasties vs. The efforts, reported to be a decade in the making, led to an unprecedented landslide victory for Marcos with over his nemesis, Vice President Leni Robredo, and the other candidates.Īs Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological UniversityĪfter more than three decades, however, the historical memories which could have prevented the return of another Marcos to power were lost to an assiduous and systematic revisionist campaign successfully orchestrated by the Marcos team, using different social media platforms. Head - The Centre for Non-Traditional Security Studies, S.
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